Museveni versus Muhwezi (Part II)
In our last issue we reported that President Yoweri Museveni had promised to forgive Muhwezi if he apologized to the President over the misuse of GAVI funds. We now bring you details of another meeting that starts with the activities of Museveni’s former personal secretary for Youth Affairs, Ms Alice Kaboyo.
By Andrew M. Mwenda
Sources close to Kaboyo say that when the IGG’s investigation into the GAVI funds saga became regular headlines in the media, she went to the President.
She reportedly reminded him that she had used the GAVI funds for the anti-Geldolf
demonstration, the Kisanja football League and other NRM activities of that nature.
“How did you expect me to account for such expenditures?” Kaboya is reported to have asked Museveni. The President reportedly replied: “That was a mistake. We can refund that one.”
Observers say that although the president personally may not have approved all irregular expenditures, he has created the system through which his assistants act with impunity to do irregular things for his benefit and therefore feel protected by him. Kaboyo’s involvement with GAVI can be traced to July 2002 when Museveni wrote to the Permanent Secretary in Ministry of Finance, Planning & Economic Development, also Secretary to Treasury, Chris Kasami, about her. The President wanted Kasami to release Shs 200m to her and sent Kaboyo to collect the money – in cash.
As personal assistant to the President, Kaboyo’s job was to mobilize the youth to
support the ruling party, NRM. This was not unique. Personal assistants to the president, who are actually civil servants, do work meant for the NRM as a political organization and the president as a politician. Observers have noted that this practice is irregular and unethical. But the practice has been entrenched over the years. Kaboyo used the Shs 200m to organize a training exercise for over 2,000 youth leaders from all districts in a program commonly known as chaka mchaka in Kyankwazi. The money was for their transport to and from Kyankwanzi and for feeding. President Museveni spent two nights with the youth in Kyankwanzi. He also ordered the UPDF – verbally – to give all the youth army uniforms. Many who have worked with the president say this is how he handles state business. But beyond the use of public funds in building NRM’s political base, such practice creates vents for individuals to profit from the personalized way in which public funds are handled.
In 2003, Kaboyo wrote a proposal to the Uganda Aids Commission on “mobilizing” out- of-school youth in the fight against HIV/AIDS. With the support of the President, the proposal and an attached budget was approved by the UAC. For months, Kaboyo would go to UAC and pick cash which she would in turn use in organizing youths conferences and seminars many of which the president would either open or close. But the UAC money had problems because the international donors who gave it were poking their noses into its expenditure. This made it difficult for the UAC money to be used on NRM (read The President’s) political mobilization. In a meeting with the President over youth mobilization at Nakasero State House in late 2004, Kaboyo told the President of difficulties with UAC money. The President told her that Minister of Health Jim Muhwezi had informed him (Museveni) of money “for mobilization” in the his ministry that did not have such conditions attached.
At this point, Museveni picked his phone and called Muhwezi as Kaboyo listened. I am sending you Alice, the President told his Health minister, please put her in contact with your Permanent Secretary so that she can use that money for mobilization.After her meeting with the president, Kaboyo telephoned Muhwezi and told him that she was doing exams at Makerere University and therefore would not be able to collect the money. Museveni later claimed that Muhwezi never informed him about the GAVI funds. After her exams, Kaboyo wrote a proposal for youth mobilization, attached a budget, and sent it to the Ministry of Health. On November 26, the PS of Health, Mohamed Kezaala, called Kaboyo informing her that money was ready.
However, on that date, Kaboyo had lost her husband Kenneth Kaboyo and told Kezaala that she would handle the money later. In early December, Kaboyo went to the cash office at Health and picked over Shs 300m. She would write a proposal for mobilization and give it to the minister who would pass it on to the PS who would in turn approve the expenditure and release the money. There was no difference in the practice as that is what she had always done – at Finance, at UAC – everywhere she always picked cash to carry out NRM’s mobilization.
In March 2005, Irish rock star, Bob Geldolf publicly attacked President Museveni for
seeking to cling to power. “Mr. Museveni, go away,” Geldolf was quoted as saying in a front page story in The New Vision newspaper. The President was angry at then Editor-in-Chief William Pike for the prominence of the story. Seeing the enthusiasm with which the Ugandan public and especially the opposition had taken to Geldolf, Kaboyo held a crisis meeting with Muhwezi and his minister of State, Mike Mukula. They agreed to use the GAVI funds to organize a demonstration against Geldolf. The President was happy with the crowds that turned up. It cost over Shs 350m of public funds from GAVI. But how does anyone account for money given to idlers to turn up at demonstrations?
There was a subsequent meeting with Museveni at State House with Kaboyo and presidential assistants Moses Byaruhanga for political affairs and Tamale Mirundi for media affairs. They talked about a planned counter demonstration by the opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) in support of Geldolf. The president promised that if that happened, State House should counter it with an even larger demonstration – and Museveni would personally finance it.
Kaboyo also organized the Kisanja Football league using GAVI funds. She also was at the center for organizing a demonstration against the Kabaka of Buganda in Nakivubo during the negotiations between the government and Mengo over federo. She organized other youth seminars, four of which were opened and or closed by the President. This is not unusual. Thuggish groups like Kiboko Squad, Kalangala Action Plan, Black Mamba Urban Hit Squad etc. that are created for the private interests of the President and the NRM are financed from the public purse.
It is against this mountain of information that a delegation from Rukungiri met the president to discuss Muhwezi and the GAVI controversy at State House Nakasero on October 19, 2007. That morning the President called their LCV chairman, Zedekia Karokora for a private meeting before meeting the entire delegation.
Rukungiri people were angry that their chairman appeared to be cutting a deal with
Museveni behind their back. Later in interviews with The Independent, they claimed that the Karokora they came with from was different from the one who went with them to State House on the night of October 19.
However, after his meeting with Museveni, Karokora told his closest colleagues, some of them members of the 14 person delegation from Rukungiri, that in his assessment, the President did not want “to forgive Muhwezi.”
In our last issue we reported that Museveni had promised to forgive Muhwezi if the former Health minister apologized to the President. The president even offered to help Muhwezi refund the GAVI funds adding that he (Museveni) would “control” the outcome of the IGG investigation into GAVI.
Observers question these private deals Museveni has been trying to make. For
example, if Muhwezi misappropriated public funds, why should he apologize to Museveni personally? What authority does the President have to forgive an offender? The constitution only grants the President power to pardon after conviction in a court of law – not before prosecution. From where was the President going to raise money to help Muhwezi refund GAVI funds?
After his morning meeting with the President, Karokora quoted Museveni as telling him: ‘Look, even this peace I am enjoying now with international donors is because of the arrest of Muhwezi.’
The delegation from Rukungiri knew that Muhwezi and others are not being prosecuted because they stole public funds. Now they knew it is because the President wanted to buy peace with the donors. But they were not willing to allow their “son” to be used as punching bag in Museveni’s fight with donors over corruption.
Thus at about 9 p.m., when they entered Museveni’s meeting room, they were armed with enough facts to make their case. Museveni was standing at the entrance and received each of them with a handshake and directed them to their sits. Karokora opened the meeting by saying people in Rukungiri feel there is a witch- hunt against Muhwezi. Many public officials have been involved in graft, he said, why always pick on Muhwezi?
“Secondly, how come the IGG who is prosecuting him is the same person working
to remove him from parliament?” Karokora asked. Museveni sought advice from Security minister Amama Mbabazi. “What do you think?” Museveni asked. Mbabazi was vague although he said a person can be prosecuted in two different courts for the same crime if it has two different elements. Museveni responded by saying: “I think the IGG is wrong.”
Then an elderly man called Ssezi Tuhimbisibwe took to the floor. “Mr. President
we hear that you know everything about the expenditure of this GAVI money,” he said as everyone listened attentively, “Abashaija okebehinduura omu muhini nkefuka (you’ve turned against colleagues whom you used this money with).”
Tumuhimbise was not yet done: “There is something wrong in your house, Mr. President,” the elderly man went on, “We also hear that your workers are fighting each other and that women are fighting other women in this house.” At exactly this point, a pen fell out of the hands of the President’s Principle Private Secretary (PPS), Amelia Kyambadde and everyone turned to look at her. “You need to clean up your house because we read some of these things in the newspapers.”
Museveni responded by saying that he knew of the money and that it was meant for mobilization. He admitted that he had opened or closed a number of conferences and seminars Kaboyo conducted under the GAVI funds. He said that it is Muhwezi who is a liar. “The problem is that these people would hold five conferences and claim to have held eight,” the president explained, “They would host three hundred people and claim to have hosted eight hundred.”
Then one Emmy Ngabirano picked it from there. “But Mr. President,” he said, “We know how you handled the findings of the Porter Commission [into the plunder of Congolese resources]. We also know how you handled the findings of the Sebutinde report into the purchase of junk helicopter gun-ships. Why then are you overzealous with the report by the IGG on the GAVI funds?”
Canon Rose Bitakamanyire, mother of Winnie Matsiko, Woman MP Rukungiri district took the floor with a speech full of sarcasm: “We have come here to plead for our undisciplined sons whom we gave you. We are sorry we gave you thieves; we gave you undisciplined fighters like Tumukunde, Kizza Besigye and Samson Mande. Mr. President, we produced these children, we can’t kill them,” she said as Museveni smiled a little bit, unsure of what was to follow.
“In the old days people used to name their children Babishutamira (they cover them up). Even you Mr. President, there are many things in this country, in your government and even here in your house which you are sitting on. But how come you do not sit on the problems of our children? How come it is always us the people of Rukungiri who are always wrong? It is only our children from Rukungiri who are sent to court martial, investigated by IGG…”
Then Museveni picked a napkin to wipe his face as his eyes were getting wet. “Sit down, please sit down,” he said as he cut the old lady short. Had she touched on something? The strategy adopted by the Rukungiri delegation was not to argue Muhwezi’s innocence but rather the fact that if he stole GAVI funds, he is not the only thief in government. Because the President has presided over a largely corrupt system, they now had turned the tables on him insisting that if he is to punish one of his “children”, he has to punish all the others too. Without naming him, the Rukungiri delegation had brought Museveni’s brother, Gen. Salim Saleh into the discussion as they had the President’s household. By this time, the President was making repeated visits to the washrooms.After this message had sunk in, they employed a second. Alice Kabarebe, the LCIII chairperson for Buyanja brought the meeting to its feet when she threw a bargain unto the floor: “Mr. President, we know your interests come 2011. You also know our needs as a delegation right now. Please solve our problem and we will solve yours come 2011.” At this point, Museveni burst into laughter.The meeting ended without any conclusion. The Rukungiri delegation meeting was a month after the IGG, Ms Faith Mwondha, in a letter to the new PS of Health had given an ultimatum to Muhwezi to refund GAVI funds or be kicked out of parliament. That was in late August.Soon after the President gave his opinion on the issue to the Rukungiri delegation the IGG’s threat died down.Observers say that the IGG who is constitutionally supposed to be independent of the executive and report to Parliament is now working at the beck and call of State House.
http://independent.co.ug/m7vsmuhwezi.html
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